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France

Emad Ezatabadi
9 دورہ

During the Iran-Iraq War, France provided significant financial and military support to Iraq. Paris is the capital of the French Republic.[1] It is the largest country in Western Europe by area.[2] In 1604, three French monks, under the orders of Pope Clement, traveled to Iran and, with the approval of Shah Abbas, built a church in Isfahan and two religious centers in Bandar Abbas and Bandar Lengeh. In 1664, France sent its first political delegation to Iran, which was given permission to establish trading houses in Isfahan and Bandar Abbas.[3] By the end of World War I, France, alongside its allies, defeated Germany. Despite falling to German forces in World War II, it was eventually freed from Nazi occupation on November 23, 1944.[4] That same year, French President General Charles de Gaulle visited Iran and met with Muhammad-Reza Pahlavi. The year 1950 marked the construction of a French school in Tehran, later named Razi. In 1974, an agreement was signed between Iran and France, allowing Iran to join the Eurodif nuclear consortium, entitling it to 10 percent of the enriched uranium produced. To secure this privilege, the Shah agreed to give France a $1 billion loan to build the facility.[5] According to this consortium, concluded between Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization and France’s Nuclear Energy Commission, Paris should provide technical assistance and necessary facilities for building a nuclear research and development center in Isfahan.[6] Therefore, France signed a contract to sell nuclear technology to Iran, but the Islamic Revolution disrupted relations between the two countries.[7]

On October 2, 1978, Imam Khomeini (ra) set out for Kuwait planning to continue on to Syria. However, after being denied entry into Kuwait, he traveled to France, arriving on October 5th, and later returned to Iran on February 1, 1979.[8]

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, France took some actions against Iran, including granting asylum to defectors like Shapour Bakhtiar, and thus Iran canceled the nuclear agreement between the two countries.[9] In 1976, Saddam Hussain visited France and signed numerous agreements in various fields. In addition, two months before the outbreak of war in 1980, Iraq’s Foreign Minister Saadoun Hammadi visited Paris and reached an agreement with French officials to preserve stability throughout the Persian Gulf region.[10] On September 25, 1980, in response to Iraq’s invasion of Iran, the spokesperson of the French government stated that the Iran-Iraq conflict stemmed from bilateral issues, expressing concern about the consequences and calling for a political resolution.[11] However, despite this seemingly neutral stance, on September 29th, the French Prime Minister supported Iraq, describing its actions as reclaiming its territory from Iran and justifying arms sales to the country as part of bilateral cooperation.[12] On the other hand, the Soviet Union’s initial withdrawal of military support for Iraq, due to concerns that the US was taking advantage of the war situation,[13] strengthened ties between Iraq and France. Tariq Aziz, Iraq’s Deputy Foreign Minister, visited Paris and signed an agreement based on which Iraq would receive military equipment. Following this meeting, France announced that it would continue delivering ammunition to Iraq as part of the $1.6 billion arms deal that included 600 Mirage fighter jets, radars, air-to-air and air-to-ground missiles, and anti-tank weapons. On February 2, 1981, Iraq announced it had received four Mirage jets from France. These deliveries took place while three missile-launching frigates, ordered by Iran before the Revolution, remained impounded in a French port due to the European Common Market’s economic sanctions against Iran.[14] Mirage jets equipped with photographic pods would compensate for the shortcomings of Soviet MiG-21 aircraft in aerial reconnaissance for Iraq.[15]

France’s most significant military aid to Iraq included equipment that enabled the country to carry out operations in the Persian Gulf and target Iran’s ports and maritime supply lines, thereby threatening to deprive Iran of oil exports, its primary source of income.[16] Also, many Iraqi pilots and mechanics were undergoing training in France on Roland 2 air defense missiles, Panhard armored vehicles equipped with anti-tank missiles, Exocet missiles, and other systems. However, the most significant collaboration between the two countries was the construction of Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor.[17] In early 1981, Iraq signed a $900 million contract with the French firm Thomson-CSF to develop an electronic industrial complex in Samarra, focused on the production of radios and radar systems. In October of that year, France’s Minister of Commerce visited Baghdad to initiate discussions for strengthening economic and nuclear cooperation between the two nations. In the meantime, following the escape of Abolhassan Banisadr and Masoud Rajavi to France on July 29th and their seeking asylum in that country, Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs gave French embassy officials in Tehran three days to leave the country.[18] Meanwhile, France delivered five Super Étendard aircraft to Iraq, restructured Iraq’s debts, and provided a $1 billion loan to the country. In response, Iran closed the French Research Institute and the its commercial representation in Tehran and imposed sanctions on French goods.[19]

France supplied Super Étendard aircraft to Iraq on a lease basis, and mainly foreign pilots were flying them. However, after one was shot down by Iran, they no longer flew over the Persian Gulf.[20] The delivery of Exocet missiles to Iraq allowed France to identify structural and systemic flaws in these missiles and test them in real combat conditions at Iraq’s expense.[21]

Iraq’s relations with France expanded following the liberation of Khorramshahr, and French technicians began repairing and maintaining Iraq’s Mirage jets, Gazelle helicopters, and military computers.[22] France deepened its cooperation with Iraq to a level that a NATO airbase in France became a hub for loading Iraqi military aircraft, through which French missiles, cluster bombs, fuses, and aircraft electronic equipment were delivered to Iraq. This massive arms supply led to even civilian Baghdad-Paris flights transporting weapons for Iraq in 1986.[23] Moreover, France sent an envoy to Baghdad to notify Defense Minister Adnan Khairallah that it was considering the possibility of supplying Iraq with nuclear weapons.[24] The reasons for France’s extensive support for Iraq include France’s concern over Iraq’s substantial debt, which risked financial losses if Iraq were defeated; Iraq’s close ties to regional Arab countries like Saudi Arabia, which France was committed to supporting; and France’s decade-long efforts to gain influence in the Persian Gulf would have come to nothing if it failed to back Iraq.[25] Supporting Iraq would lead to a significant reduction in Iran’s oil revenues, as Iraqi airstrikes—particularly those targeting Iran’s oil facilities, pipelines, and oil-carrying ships in the Persian Gulf using French equipment—severely reduced Iran’s income.[26]

Iran’s success in operations such as Valfajr 8, raised concerns among Iraq allies. Therefore, they initiated a new wave of regional and international pressure and aggression against Iran.

On July 20, 1987, under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, Resolution 598 was unanimously adopted by the UN Security Council, recognizing some of Iran’s demands. Claude Cheysson, former French Foreign Minister, said that the permanent members of the Security Council had reached an undisclosed agreement to back Iraq. After the adoption of the resolution, France’s cooperation with other countries intensified to increase pressure on Iran to accept the resolution.[27] Ultimately, after a year, on July 18, 1988, Iran accepted Resolution 598, which led to the end of the Iran-Iraq War.[28]

Following the acceptance of Resolution 598 by both parties, Iraq did not receive some of the ordered Mirage jets due to its deteriorating financial situation. Likewise, after Iraq invaded Kuwait, France suspended the delivery of fighter jets.[29] Following the war, France sought to contribute to Iran’s reconstruction and initiated efforts to improve bilateral relations starting in 1983.

In the Mykonos incident on September 17, 1976, France, like other European countries, adopted an anti-Iran stance.[30] The World Congress of Socialist and Social-Democratic Parties was held at the Mykonos Hotel in Berlin, Germany, where political activists affiliated with anti-revolutionary Kurdish groups had a meeting. When several of those figures were killed by unknown individuals, the European countries immediately accused Iran, using the incident as a pretext to recall their ambassadors from Tehran.[31] However, France opposed the US imposing sanctions on Iran via the D’Amato Act (severing all commercial ties between Iran and the US) in 1996. Furthermore, Jacques Chirac announced that France would expand its relations with Iran.[32]

The most significant challenges in Iran-France relations are rooted in Iran’s relationship with the United States. France’s policies towards Iran are often passive and shaped by US policies against the Islamic Revolution.[33]

 

 

[1] Barazesh, Mahmoud-Reza, Ashnaie ba Keshvarha-ye Jahan – Farance (Introducing World Countries – France), Mashhad, Aftab-e Hashtom, 1395, p. 9.

[2] Ibid., Pp. 10–11.

[3] Saybani, Ahmad, Joghrafiya-ye Tarikhi-ye Hormozgan (Historical Geography of Hormozgan), Bandar Abbas, Nasim-e Badgir, 1399, Pp. 15–16.

[4] Rivière, Daniel, Sarzamin-e Gol – Tarikh-e Jamee Keshvar-e Farance (Land of Flowers – A Comprehensive History of France), trans. Hussain Qanbari & Reza Neyri, Mashhad, Goharshad, 1377, Pp. 375, 415.

[5] Tark Ladani, Safoura, Tarikh-e Ravabet-e Iran va Farance az Sadehaye Miyani ta Konoun (History of Iran–France Relations from the Middle Ages to Present), Tehran, Alhoda, 1399, Pp. 21–22.

[6] Yasini, Seyyed Hessamoddin & Elnaz Nik-Seresht, Rahbord-e Hastei Iran dar Doreh-ye Pahlavi-ye Dovom az Manzar-e Vaqegaraie (Iran’s Nuclear Strategy during the Second Pahlavi Era from a Realist Perspective), Faslname-ye Tarikh-e Ravabet-e Khareji, Vol. 16, No. 62, Spring 1394, p. 154.

[7] Ibid., p. 35.

[8] Portal-e Imam Khomeini (ra): http://www.imam-khomeini.ir/fa/c504_2701/

[9] Hussaini, Sediqeh, Ravabet-e Khareji-ye Jomhouri-ye Eslami-ye Iran va Farance (1384–1357) (Foreign Relations Between the Islamic Republic of Iran and France [1978–2005]), Nashrie-ye Oloum-e Siasi, Vol. 9, No. 36, Winter 1385, p. 173.

[10] Rabiei, Zahra, Barrasi-ye Mavazee Farance Nesbat be Jang-e Tahmili (France’s Position on the Imposed War), Faslname-ye Motaleat-e Defa Muqaddas – Negin-e Iran, Vol. 8, No. 31, Winter 1388, Pp. 72–73.

[11] Ibid., p. 74.

[12] Qodrat-haye Bozorg va Jang-e 8 Saale-ye Araq Alayhe Iran (Great Powers and the Eight-Year Iraq War against Iran), Khabargozari Seda va Sima, p. 7, https://www.iribnews.ir/fa/news/1300840/

 

[13] Izadi, Nematollah, Amalkard-e Shoravi dar Jang-e Tahmili (Soviet Policy in the Imposed War), Tehran, Ettelaat, 1392, p. 93; Doroodian, Muhammad, Jang – Bazyabi-ye Sobot (War – Restoring Stability), Vol. 2, Pp. 78–81.

[14] Rabiei, Zahra, Ibid., Pp. 74–75.

[15] Baba-Mahmoudi, Mahdi, Hasht Saal Jang-e Tahmili dar Aseman (Eight Years of Imposed War in the Skies), Mahname-ye Sanaye Havaie, Vol. 22, No. 262, Khordad 1392, p. 5.

[16] Savadkouhi, Shahrokh, Eqdamat va Natayej-e Amaliyat-e Niro-ye Daryayi-ye Artesh-e Jomhouri-ye Eslami-e Iran (Actions and Outcomes of the Islamic Republic of Iran Navy’s Operations), Tehran, DAFOS, 1397, p. 100.

[17] Razm-dideh, Sajjad, Mashhoortarin Amaliyat-haye Havai-ye Jahan (World’s Most Famous Air Operations), Mahname-ye Sanaye Havaie, Vol. 22, No. 261, Ordibehesht 1392, p. 54.

 

[18] Rabiei, Zahra, Ibid., Pp. 75–76.

[19] Rahmani, Khaled, Naqsh-e Gardanandegan-e Jang-e Tahmili-ye Araq Alayhe Iran (The Powers who Imposed War against Iran), 1396, p. 7, https://www.sid.ir/paper/897027/fa

[20] Savadkouhi, Shahrokh, Ibid., p. 101.

[21] Hasht Saal Jang-e Tahmili dar Aseman (Eight Years of Imposed War in the Sky), Mahname-ye Sanaye Havaie, Vol. 24, No. 282, Bahman 1392, p. 14.

[22] Qodrat-haye Bozorg va Jang-e 8 Saale-ye Araq Alayhe Iran (Great Powers and the Eight-Year Iraq War against Iran), Ibid.

[23] Savadkouhi, Shahrokh, Ibid., p. 101.

 

[24] Qodrat-haye Bozorg va Jang-e 8 Saale-ye Araq Alayhe Iran (Great Powers and the Eight-Year Iraq War against Iran), Ibid.

[25] Rahmani, Khaled, Ibid., Pp. 6–7.

[26] Alaei, Hussain, Barrasi-ye Naqsh-e Dolat-e Jomhouri-ye Eslami-e Iran dar Jang-e Tahmili-ye Araq Alayhe Iran (Reviewing the Role of the Iranian Government in the Imposed War), Faslname-ye Motaleat-e Beyn-ol-Melali, Vol. 16, No. 4, Spring 1399, p. 138.

[27] Rabiei, Zahra, Ibid., Pp. 89–90.

[28] Emamqoli, Mahdi, 14 Noktei ke Bayad Darbareh-ye Qatname-ye 598 Bedanid (14 Things You Should Know about Resolution 598), Roozname-ye Keyhan, No. 22236, Thursday, 27 Tir 1398, p. 7.

 

[29] Baba-Mahmoudi, Mahdi, Ibid., p. 29.

[30] Hussaini, Sediqeh, Ibid., Pp. 179–181.

[31] Shafiee, Ahmad & Digaran, Naqsh-e Velayat va Rahbari dar Sobot-e Siyasi-ye Jomhouri-ye Eslami-ye Iran – Motalee-ye Moredi-e Rahbari-e Imam Khamenei (The Role of Leadership in Political Stability – Case Study of Imam Khamenei’s Leadership), Faslname-ye Afaq-e Amniat, Vol. 9, No. 30, Spring 1395, Pp. 32–33.

[32] Hussaini, Sediqeh, Ibid., p. 181.

[33] Ahmadi Nohdani, Sirus & Hamidreza Yousefi, Tabyin-e Chaleshhaye Geopolitiki-ye Ravabet-e Iran va Farance (Explaining Geopolitical Challenges in Iran–France Relations), Faslname-ye Geopolitic, Vol. 17, No. 3, Fall 1400, p. 26.